這篇的翻譯值得討論
By TONY BLAIR June 27, 2016
觀點
英國退歐的政治悲劇
托尼·布萊爾 2016年6月27日
THE decision of British voters in Thursday’s referendum to leave the European Union will have vast consequences for Britain, for Europe and for the world. For a day, the British people were the government, and by 52 percent to 48 percent, they took the decision to go.
英國選民在週四的公投中做出的退出歐盟的決定，將對英國、對歐洲、對全世界產生巨大的影響。這一天，英國民眾成了政府，他們以52%支持、48%反對的結果決定退出歐盟。
I was a British prime minister who believed completely that Britain’s future lay in Europe. I was the prime minister responsible for legislating substantial self-rule in Scotland so that it would remain part of the United Kingdom. I negotiated the Good Friday Agreement so that Northern Ireland could be at peace within Britain. Because the result of the referendum has put so much of this at risk, Friday became a day of great personal, as well as political, sadness.
擔任英國首相時，我深信英國的未來在於歐洲。我推動通過立法，賦予蘇格蘭大量自治權，以便讓其留在聯合王國內。我促成了《耶穌受難日協議》(Good Friday Agreement)，使北愛爾蘭能夠安心留在英國。公投的結果可能將這許多的努力毀於一旦，因此，週五成了悲哀的一天，不僅在政治上，也是對我個人而言。
The immediate impact of the Brexit vote is economic. The fallout has been as swift as it was predictable. At one point on Friday, the pound hit a 30-year low against the dollar, and a leading British stock index had dropped more than 8 percent. The nation’s credit rating is under threat.
英國退出歐盟投票的直接影響體現在經濟上。像預料中的那樣，這一點迅速顯現。週五，英鎊兌美元的匯率一度跌至30年來的最低點，一個重要英國股指下跌逾8%。英國的信用評級也面臨威脅。
Ben Stansall/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images
週五上午，唐寧街10號。
The lasting effect, however, may be political, and with global implications. If the economic shocks continue, then the British experiment will serve as a warning. But if they abate, then populist movements in other countries will gain momentum.
然而，持久的影響可能體現在政治上，並且是波及全球的。如果經濟衝擊繼續，那麼英國的試驗將具有警示意義。但如果衝擊減弱，那麼其他國家的民粹主義運動的勢頭將有所上升。
How did this happen? The right in British politics found an issue that’s causing palpitations in the body politic the world over: immigration. Part of the Conservative Party, allied with the far-right U.K. Independence Party, took this issue and focused its campaign to leave Europe on it. This strategy could not have succeeded, though, without finding common cause with a significant segment of Labour voters.
這一切是怎麼發生的？英國政界的右翼發現了一個令全世界人民心悸的問題：移民。部分保守黨(Conservative Party)，連同極右翼的英國獨立黨(U.K. Independence Party)，抓住了這個問題，把它作為脫離歐洲運動的核心。但這項戰略本不會成功，因為工黨(Labour)的大批選民並不認同。
How did this happen? The right in British politics found an issue that’s causing palpitations in the body politic the world over: immigration. Part of the Conservative Party, allied with the far-right U.K. Independence Party, took this issue and focused its campaign to leave Europe on it. This strategy could not have succeeded, though, without finding common cause with a significant segment of Labour voters.
譯評
"全世界人民" 改為"全世界各國的總體人民"
issue是議題，非問題。
反移民這戰略本不會成功，除非他取得工黨(Labour)的大部分選民的認同。
這一切是怎麼發生的？英國政界的右翼發現了一個令全世界人民心悸的問題：移民。部分保守黨(Conservative Party)，連同極右翼的英國獨立黨(U.K. Independence Party)，抓住了這個問題，把它作為脫離歐洲運動的核心。但這項戰略本不會成功，因為工黨(Labour)的大批選民並不認同。
-----
全體國民
全體國民
body politic
Pronunciation:
NOUN
(usually the body politic)These Labour supporters did not get a clear message from their own party, whose leader, Jeremy Corbyn, was lukewarm about remaining in the union. They were drawn by the Leavers’ promise that Brexit would bring an end to the country’s perceived immigration problems. And, worried about their flatlining incomes and cuts in public spending, these Labour voters saw this vote as an opportunity to register an anti-government protest.
這些工黨的支持者未從自己的政黨那裡得到明確的訊息。工黨領袖傑裡米·科爾賓(Jeremy Corbyn)對留在歐盟不熱心。他們被退出派的承諾，即英國退出歐盟會結束英國所謂的移民問題所吸引。同時，因為對收入越來越少以及支出削減的擔心，這些工黨選民認為這場投票是一個提出反政府抗議的機會。
The strains within Britain that led to this referendum result are universal, at least in the West. Insurgent movements of left and right, posing as standard-bearers of a popular revolt against the political establishment, can spread and grow at scale and speed. Today’s polarized and fragmented news coverage only encourages such insurgencies — an effect magnified many times by the social media revolution.
造成這種公投結果的英國國內壓力具有普遍性，至少在西方世界是這樣的。左翼和右翼冒充一場反政治權威集團的民眾起義的領袖，它們的運動可以成規模、高速度地擴散和增長。如今兩極化、片面化的新聞報導，只會鼓勵這種反叛。社交媒體革命則將這種效果放大了許多倍。
It was already clear before the Brexit vote that modern populist movements could take control of political parties. What wasn’t clear was whether they could take over a country like Britain. Now we know they can.
在英國退出歐盟投票之前，現代民粹主義運動可能會掌控政黨這一點就已經很清楚了。當時不清楚的是，它們是否能控制像英國這樣的國家。現在我們知道了，它們可以。
Those in the political center were demonized as out-of-touch elites, as though the people leading the insurgency were ordinary folks — which, in the case of the Brexit campaign, is a laughable proposition. The campaign made the word “expert” virtually a term of abuse, and when experts warned of the economic harm that would follow Brexit, they were castigated as “scaremongers.” Immigrants were described as a bunch of scroungers coming to grab Britons’ jobs and benefits when, in reality, the recent migrants from Eastern Europe contribute far more in taxes than they take in welfare payments. And besides, immigration to Britain from outside the European Union will not be affected by the referendum decision.
政治中派被妖魔化成了脫離民眾的精英，好像領導這場反叛的人是普通百姓似的。在脫歐陣營裡，這是一件可笑的事情。該陣營讓「專家」幾乎成了一個侮辱人的詞，而當專家警告英國脫離歐盟會損害經濟時，他們會被指是在「危言聳聽」。移民被說成是一群寄生蟲，會來搶英國人的工作機會和福利，但現實是，最近來自東歐的移民交的稅，遠遠超過了他們領取的福利金。此外，來自非歐盟國家的移民將不受公投結果的影響。
The political center has lost its power to persuade and its essential means of connection to the people it seeks to represent. Instead, we are seeing a convergence of the far left and far right. The right attacks immigrants while the left rails at bankers, but the spirit of insurgency, the venting of anger at those in power and the addiction to simple, demagogic answers to complex problems are the same for both extremes. Underlying it all is a shared hostility to globalization.
政治中派已經失去了說服它試圖代表的民眾的能力，失去了聯繫他們的基本手段。相反，我們正看到極左翼和極右翼的融合。右翼攻擊移民，左翼則怒斥銀行家，但對這兩個極端陣營來說，叛亂的精神、向當權者發泄憤怒、執迷於用具有煽動性的簡單方式解決複雜問題，都是一樣的。在這一切表象下，是兩者對全球化共同懷有的敵意。
Britain and Europe now face a protracted period of economic and political uncertainty, as the British government tries to negotiate a future outside the single market where half of Britain’s goods and services are traded. These new arrangements — to be clear about the scale of the challenge — must be negotiated with all the other 27 countries, their individual parliaments and the European Parliament. Some governments may be cooperative; others won’t want to make leaving easy for Britain, in order to discourage similar movements.
英國一半商品和服務的交易是在歐盟這個市場中完成的。現在，該國政府試圖就自己在這個單一市場之外的未來展開談判。與此同時，英國和歐洲都面臨一個漫長的經濟與政治不確定期。這項挑戰的規模相當清楚，英國必須就這些新安排同其他27個國家、它們各自的議會和歐洲議會(European Parliament)進行協商。一些政府可能願意合作，但為了阻止類似的運動，其他國家不會讓英國輕鬆退出。
Britain is a strong country, with a resilient people and energy and creativity in abundance. I don’t doubt Britons’ capacity to come through, whatever the cost. But the stress on the United Kingdom is already apparent.
英國是一個強大的國家，民眾適應能力強，精力充沛，創意豐富。我不懷疑英國度過難關的能力，無論付出什麼代價。但聯合王國面臨的壓力已經顯現出來了。
Voters in Scotland chose by a large margin to remain in Europe, with the result that there are renewed calls for another referendum on Scottish independence. Northern Ireland has benefited from virtually open borders with the Republic of Ireland. That freedom is at risk because the North’s border with the South now becomes the European Union’s border, a potential threat to the Northern Ireland peace process.
蘇格蘭絕大部分選民選擇留在歐盟。公投結果出來後，再次出現了就蘇格蘭的獨立舉行公投的呼聲。與愛爾蘭之間幾乎開放的邊境讓北愛爾蘭受益良多。但這種自由面臨危險，因為現在北愛爾蘭與愛爾蘭之間的邊境，成了歐盟的邊境。這是對北愛和平進程的一個潛在威脅。
If the people — usually a repository of common sense and practicality — do something that appears neither sensible nor practical, then it forces a period of long and hard reflection. My own politics is waking to this new political landscape. The same dangerous impulses are visible, too, in American politics, but the challenges of globalization cannot be met by isolationism or shutting borders.
如果通常富有常識和實用主義態度的英國民眾做了一件看上去既不明智也不現實的事情，那麼這件事會強制帶來一段漫長而艱苦的反省期。我自己的政治觀點正在受到這種新的政治局勢的影響。在美國政治中，也能看到同樣危險的衝動情感，但我們不能用孤立主義或關閉邊境來應對全球化的挑戰。
The center must regain its political traction, rediscover its capacity to analyze the problems we all face and find solutions that rise above the populist anger. If we do not succeed in beating back the far left and far right before they take the nations of Europe on this reckless experiment, it will end the way such rash action always does in history: at best, in disillusion; at worst, in rancorous division. The center must hold.
中間派必須重獲政治支持，重新發掘分析我們所有人面臨的那些問題的能力，並找到超越民粹主義憤怒的解決方案。如果我們不能在極左翼和極右翼讓其他歐洲國家進行這種不計後果的試驗之前成功地擊退它們，結果便是：最好的情況是幻想破滅，最壞的情況是充滿敵意的分裂。歷史上這類魯莽行為的結局一向如此。中間派必須堅持住。
hc：中間派必須重得政治動力，重獲能力去分析我們所有人面臨的諸問題，並找到解決方案--超越民粹人士的憤怒。如果我們不能在歐洲各國極左翼和極右翼利用此次英國不顧後果的試驗，而取得政權之前成功地擊退之，結局便會像歷史上這類魯莽行為：最好的情況會是，從幻想醒來；最壞的情況是分裂，彼此深恨對方。一向如此。中間派必須堅持住。
Copyright © 2016 The New York Times Company. All rights reserved.
翻譯：陳亦亭
沒有留言:
張貼留言